Orania, Part II: SEPARATION
This is the second essay in a series on Orania. The first, Saturday Night in Orania, covered the book launch of Parallel Order and the growing Bitcoin adoption in the community. This series will explore Orania from different angles that don’t overlap with my book Orania: Building a Nation.
The chapter below is from my book When Migration Becomes Conflict. It’s a chapter that connects the Swedish situation to the Afrikaner model. For most of my readers here, the Swedish specifics will be unfamiliar, but the pattern will not be unfamiliar at all.
SEPARATION
Multiculturalism has become our new normal. It is no longer a political vision or an experiment – it is the actual terrain we navigate daily. For my generation, born in the early eighties, the memory of a different Sweden still exists. A country where the high-trust society’s unwritten rules applied. Where locking up was not a necessity. Where conflicts were resolved between individuals, not between clans.
What the establishment calls “multiculturalism” is in practice parallel realities that share the same geographical area but operate according to fundamentally different principles. We find ourselves in an asymmetric confrontation: we as lone individuals against cohesive collectives. While the Swede still regards himself and others as individual actors with personal responsibility, the immigrant groups act according to another logic. The clan’s logic, where the individual never stands alone.
Everyday conflicts have acquired a new, violent dimension. What once would have stopped at a reprimand or friendly reminder now risks escalating to levels we in our folk memory could never have imagined. A Swedish father at a swimming pool who asks some immigrant youths to stop harassing his daughter sees them disappear, only to return with older relatives who brutally assault him in front of his children. And another example, Mikael, a 39-year-old father in Skärholmen, tells some youths disturbing his children to stop. The answer is a bullet to the head, executed on the open street while his children watch.
This is no longer extreme cases but part of a pattern. The clan mentality operates according to another code of honor where the slightest perceived insult demands retaliation. They are willing to sit in prison for what we would consider trifles, but within their value system, their perception of honor weighs heavier than freedom. When a Swede still thinks in terms of reasonable proportion, the counterpart has already mobilized cousins, brothers and uncles who are ready for war. The assault becomes a power demonstration, a message to all Swedes: You stand alone. We stand together.
This is not isolated incidents but a systematic modus operandi among groups that have not come to adapt, but to reproduce their own structures at our expense. They do not compete as individuals in an open market, but as collectives that systematically appropriate advantages through group solidarity, nepotism and when required – violence.
Södertälje stands as one of many monuments to this development in Sweden. There the Syriac clan through coordinated action has taken control over both the political and economic. The municipality is theirs. Benefits are channeled to own associations, positions are filled according to ethnic affiliation rather than competence. Clan votes are negotiated, a phenomenon that now spreads from municipal to national level. Attracting clan votes has become an open part of everyday political play, where parties compete over who can offer most to different ethnic groupings.
The young Swede who ends up in conflict with these structures soon discovers his vulnerability. He stands alone while the counterpart mobilizes its network. He seeks justice in institutions that are not only ideologically blinded but also infiltrated by the same forces he tries to defend himself against. He tries to negotiate as an individual with those who act as a collective.
We find ourselves in a power struggle where the groups’ interests are fundamentally incompatible. To believe that this struggle can be abolished through slogans and wishful thinking is to give up before even beginning to defend oneself. The fundamental political reality is still the same as it has been in all times: us and them. Those who blur that distinction in hope of being accepted by all will soon discover that it is only their own group that is disarmed.
In this situation we must realize that nostalgia for the lost Sweden can become a trap, it tempts us to waste our limited resources on impossible goals. For the impulse is simple and probably also inevitable: they came here, they can be sent back. There is no natural law that says population movements can only go in one direction. What politics gave, politics can also take back – if the will exists.
But here we must be brutally honest. How many lives and work hours have not been squandered on abstract system changes that never materialized? Decades of political work that came to nothing, manifestations forgotten the next day, debate articles drowned in the noise. We cannot build our survival strategy on the hope that our sleeping people will suddenly awaken. Despite all this work, we still stand as individuals, without our own areas, without our own schools to send our children to, although in some places it is slowly beginning to change.
Remigration is possible. Nothing but political will prevents it, and we do not control that will today. Remigration may not be able to occur during our lifetime, or even during our children’s lifetime. The Reconquista took centuries, and if demographics continue as now we will soon be a minority in our own country. And it is not defeatism to see this, it is realism. One who plans for the worst can handle everything in between. One who only hopes for the best stands helpless when reality strikes back and we stand there as a minority among others, without even being recognized as a group.
When success is not achieved in the political arena, and when the system is an enemy among enemies, we must operate outside its framework. Politics’ most fundamental truth is the distinction between friend and enemy, as existential reality. It is in the interest conflicts between groups that politics arises. To deny this distinction and claim that “we are all together” is to disarm oneself before groups that never do the same.
“Everyone’s equal worth” and the mantra not to “set an us against a them” are ideological weapons. They are used to dissolve our collective, while other groups strengthen their bonds. We treat strangers as if they were part of us, while they treat us as strangers in our own country. This asymmetry is one of the main reasons we feel that Sweden has slipped from our hands.
The solution does not lie in appealing to universal principles that our opponents use highly arbitrarily and never recognize for us. The solution lies in building parallel structures, local communities that uphold our norms regardless of what the law says about discrimination or integration. To become a people within the people, who refuse to be strangers in their own country. Without political power, we can only achieve this through voluntary and peaceful separation.
It is a strategic regrouping where we accept that certain areas are already lost and where we instead create local dominance to not lose everything. We must consolidate and live out the future we strive for. Sweden as a homogeneous society exists today only as historical reference. We cannot pretend that ethnicity does not matter when conflicts follow ethnic lines and every political question is filtered through group identity. The demographically strongest groups will shape future laws. Our goal must be that where we are, there our norms and our way of life shall dominate. Where our families do not stand alone against clans willing to use deadly violence for a reprimand, and where our children do not encounter these hostile collectives in their everyday life.
In that work we discover something: the preparations for separation give us back things we have already lost, regardless of outcome. Community building is not just an emergency solution. It is the rediscovery of how we lived before state individualism replaced our natural bonds with cold institutions that would protect us from cradle to grave. Peaceful and voluntary separation from the multicultural society gives us what we need even without remigration.
The further we can separate ourselves geographically from those we do not want to live with, the better. Then we can build something of our own on the side. A community that is prepared to defend itself, support itself and live according to its own norms. It is a necessity. And we only need to look at people with worse conditions than our own to understand what is possible. The Afrikaner minority in South Africa has with Orania created a functioning model: a town in the barren semi-desert that in 25 years has grown into a thriving college town with over 10 percent annual growth, and which seriously aspires to future independence. To look at Orania is like seeing the emergence of a nation in real time. We must stop placing almost all opposition energy on central political questions we cannot win today. The Afrikaners realized that the struggle for central power was lost and instead focused on segregation. From segregation grew strength, security and living space – conditions that in turn can pave the way to reclaim what we have lost: a country that is ours in reality, and not just in name.
Here also lies our personal responsibility: to leave behind a better society to our descendants than the one we ourselves inherited. Our destiny quite simply lies in our own hands.
I wrote this chapter a few years ago. Nothing in it has aged poorly.
The Orania I described at the end, a small town in the semi-desert growing at ten percent a year, has only continued to grow.
The next essay in this series will look at Orania from a different angle — what the community actually means when it says it’s built on culture, and where the limits of that claim start to get interesting.
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My books When Migration Becomes Conflict, Orania: Building a Nation, Parallel Order and Among Boers and Britons are all available on Amazon.